The fate of a tiny Palestinian village highlights what is wrong with Israel's policies.
Seth Freedman
Sometimes it's hard to be Israeli. There are those who think the Arab world wants to kill us all, there are those who think that Europe unfairly singles us out for harsh criticism, there are those who think that, apart from America, we don't have a single friend out there at all. Then there're those - like me - who think we deserve all we get.
As I sat on the ruins of yet another demolished house in the tragic village of al-Nu'eman yesterday, I wondered why we think we merit any kind of sympathy at all.
You reap what you sow. And what we've sown in al-Nu'eman can only yield a harvest of more anger, more bitterness, more hate. And that's just from the residents - what the rest of the world will feel for the Zionist machine is another story altogether.
To put it succinctly, Al-Nu'eman has been done like the proverbial kipper. Twenty-two houses, home to a tight-knit community who have lived in the same hills for generations, it sits on land annexed by Israel during the 1967 war.
However, due to the villagers' clan chief living in a town located deeper in the West Bank, al-Nu'eman residents were registered under his address, and consequently denied Israeli status and IDs. This meant they could not enter Jerusalem - fine, until the plans for the security wall were finalised. Al-Nu'eman is to be fenced off, like countless other Palestinian hamlets and villages, but - and this is the Kafkaesque nightmare - they'll be on the Israeli side of the wall when it's completed.
West Bank residents who can't go to the West Bank. People living in Israel proper who can't go into Israel. Prisoners in their own homes? Spot on. And an utter disgrace.
I'm not going to bang a drum for peace, co-existence, make-love-not-war, and so on. I'll leave that to the Israeli girls with flowers in their hair, to the long-haired Israeli boys back from Goa with opium-infused fantasies. I don't reckon I'll see a lasting peace in the region during my lifetime - and, truth be told, that's not the reason I go on trips like these.
Just like I served in the army to try and understand the Israeli psyche better, so I go to Ramallah, Bethlehem, Hebron, etc, to see the other side of the story. And, 90% of the time, I come away ashamed of my country in the same way that a child gets embarrassed by a racist or otherwise socially unacceptable parent.
I'm no mug - the fact that there are PFLP members among the town's residents doesn't exactly make me want to rent a villa there in the summer months; the fact that our host - Yusuf - wore a beaming smile and spoke perfect Ivrit doesn't convince me that he doesn't raise his kids to hate Jews, but then this is mere conjecture. Whereas the hard facts are these: Israel has stitched up this village - which is in many ways a microscopic example of the Occupied Territories as a whole - and, furthermore, the whole octopus of Israeli authority is complicit in the crime.
From the upper echelons of government who delay reviewing the residents' pleas for Israeli citizenship, to the municipality who serve demolition orders on the houses, to the boneheaded Magavniks who hassle the locals on an hourly basis. Magav, or border police, are the dregs of the army - the delinquent kids none of the other units want, those with criminal records and other behavioural issues. Often from poor immigrant families, they have a reputation for dishing out their own style of justice - up alleyways, out of the prying eyes of the media - and I know them only too well, from my 15 months in the IDF.
In late 2005, Magav thugs stopped two al-Nu'eman residents and tried to arrest them both. Only one cooperated and, to cut a long story short, the second was found later tied to his mule and beaten unconscious. The 43-year-old never came round - he died, and so too did the chance of his eight children ever forgetting and forgiving Israel for its deeds.
After meeting on Hebron road, we all climbed into our cars and set off for the village. We turned right, past the imposing, fortress-like settlement of Har Homa, and down into the lowland. Within seconds, the landscape became indistinguishable from the countryside in any of the Middle Eastern states. Dotted on the side of the golden, barren hills were stone houses, and down in the valleys were neatly planted rows of olive trees.
The roads we drove along were in such a state of disrepair that we were reduced to crawling pace. They are meant to be maintained by the Palestinian Authority but, as has been witnessed over the last decade of misrule, the swollen coffers of the PA are rarely put to good use for its people.
As we approached the edge of al-Nueman, up rocked a jeepful of Magav. Their first display of their might was to blare on their horn to attract the attention of two passing youths. They checked their IDs perfunctorily, nothing heavy, and to an outsider their behaviour was perfectly above board. I'm not saying any different but, having spent a month doing exactly the same in Beit Jalla, know that it is this low-level form of assertion of power that keeps the Palestinians constantly resentful of us - just as the black and Irish communities in London felt during the stop-and-search years.
We reached the house of Yusuf - a rotund, well-turned out resident and de facto head of the welcoming committee. He ushered us into a beautifully tended garden - lush grass, neat flowerbeds, and rather at odds with the villagers' assertion that their water was routinely cut off for weeks at a time by the army.
However, splitting hairs was not my aim here - just as listening to the sadly-familiar recounting of IDF abuses by Yusuf was also not my top priority. Anyone can meticulously detail the complaints of the Palestinians, the rebuttals by the Israelis, and go mad trying to see the wood for the trees.
Instead, I prefer to focus on my emotional reaction to the visit. Of the seven of us touring, two of the group were non-Jewish Europeans - one a human rights worker from Paris, the other a film-maker from Bosnia. Their presence sharpened my feeling of guilt and shame at what we were witnessing. Had we been a homogenous group, all Israeli and all Jewish, then perhaps I wouldn't have felt that our dirty laundry was being aired in public. And this is one of my main concerns with Israel's policy toward its Palestinian neighbours.
I don't claim to be a military expert, and I am sure that there are strategists who have an explanation for every little incident carried out by the army in the interests of national security (road blocks, ID checks, house demolitions), but this is not the point. To the outsider, the treatment of the West Bank residents is nothing short of brutal and oppressive, and it is no wonder that organisations such as the BBC treat Israel with such disdain when the likes of the Bosnian film-maker are exposed to situations like that of al-Nueman. We can decry Hamas's policies all we like, we can use suicide bombings as justification for the security wall, but - until our own house is put in order - we'll never win over world opinion. Or be able to hold our heads up high.
Al-Nu'eman is a tragedy, plain and simple. There can be no possible humane explanation for the complete cutting off of this unassuming cluster of houses from the outside world. It is nothing short of pure malice - and it's being done in my name. The government continues with the expansion of settlements, continues to fight terror with draconian measures, continues to rule the roost with an iron fist.
And almost no one cares enough about the plight of al-Nu'eman to do a thing about it. The futility and hopelessness of this particular village is overwhelming - the area has been earmarked for the extension of Har Homa, and the government are doing their level best to bully the residents into upping sticks and leaving.
Do the settlers know, or care, what their cheap housing means in terms of Palestinian distress and disruption? Does anyone in Magav realise the enormity of killing a father of eight and leaving him tied to his donkey yards from his family home? Does anyone in Israeli officialdom give a damn that we are displacing and dispossessing these people in exactly the same way as our enemies have been doing to us since Bible times?
I doubt it. And, much as the shame should be felt more by the main protagonists than the man on the street, we're all complicit in the crime by our ostrich-like refusal to acknowledge what's happening in our own backyard.
In the Book of Samuel, the prophet Nathan tells King David a parable, during his rebuking of the king for his underhand pursuit of Bathsheva. He speaks of two neighbours - one man very rich, with a flock of a thousand sheep, the other dirt poor, with just one lamb in his possession which he loves as though it were his own child. When a guest comes to visit the rich man, the wealthy farmer goes next door and steals the other man's only sheep, which he slaughters and serves to his friend for a meal. A totally unnecessary theft, a totally heartless and selfish act - and, I'm sorry to say, Israel is that rich farmer.
We appear to be pursuing a policy of making the Palestinians' lives a misery just because we can. Leaving aside that overbearing anti-terror measures are actually counterproductive (how many of the dead man's eight children will grow up to be peaceniks?), what has happened to the collective Israeli sense of right and wrong? Where did all the good guys go?
As we left the village, heading back for Jerusalem, Har Homa loomed above us, underneath thick evening clouds, atop its perch on the hill. For an instant, it appeared like a juggernaut thundering towards the West Bank - ready to crush anything in its way. Which is why I see al-Nu'eman as the rabbit, frozen in the headlights - unable to run, unable to avoid its inevitable crushing under the wheels of the 18-wheeled settlement lorry.
Only we, the voters and citizens of Israel, can put the handbrake on. And, until we do, we only have ourselves to blame when the world points its finger at us.
Monday, January 29, 2007
The Restrictions Remain: Life Under Prohibition in Palestine
By AMIRA HASS
Counterpunch
22.1.07
All the promises to relax restrictions in the West Bank have obscured the true picture. A few roadblocks have been removed, but the following prohibitions have remained in place.
(This information was gathered by Haaretz, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Machsom Watch)
Standing prohibitions
* Palestinians from the Gaza Strip are forbidden to stay in the West Bank.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter East Jerusalem.
* West Bank Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip through the Erez crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Jordan Valley.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter villages, lands, towns and neighborhoods along the `seam line` between the separation fence and the Green Line (some 10 percent of the West Bank).
* Palestinians who are not residents of the villages Beit Furik and Beit Dajan in the Nablus area, and Ramadin, south of Hebron, are forbidden entry.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the settlements` area (even if their lands are inside the settlements` built area).
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter Nablus in a vehicle.
* Palestinian residents of Jerusalem are forbidden to enter area A (Palestinian towns in the West Bank).
* Gaza Strip residents are forbidden to enter the West Bank via the Allenby crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to travel abroad via Ben-Gurion Airport.
* Children under age 16 are forbidden to leave Nablus without an original birth certificate and parental escort.
* Palestinians with permits to enter Israel are forbidden to enter through the crossings used by Israelis and tourists.
* Gaza residents are forbidden to establish residency in the West Bank.
* West Bank residents are forbidden to establish residency in the Jordan valley, seam line communities or the villages of Beit Furik and Beit Dajan.
* Palestinians are forbidden to transfer merchandise and cargo through internal West Bank checkpoints.
Periodic prohibitions
* Residents of certain parts of the West Bank are forbidden to travel to the rest of the West Bank.
* People of a certain age group - mainly men from the age of 16 to 30, 35 or 40 - are forbidden to leave the areas where they reside (usually Nablus and other cities in the northern West Bank).
* Private cars may not pass the Swahara-Abu Dis checkpoint (which separates the northern and southern West Bank). This was cancelled for the first time two weeks ago under the easing of restrictions.
Travel permits required
* A magnetic card (intended for entrance to Israel, but eases the passage through checkpoints within the West Bank).
* A work permit for Israel (the employer must come to the civil administration offices and apply for one).
* A permit for medical treatment in Israel and Palestinian hospitals in East Jerusalem (The applicant must produce an invitation from the hospital, his complete medical background and proof that the treatment he is seeking cannot be provided in the occupied territories).
* A travel permit to pass through Jordan valley checkpoints.
* A merchant`s permit to transfer goods.
* A permit to farm along the seam line requires a form from the land registry office, a title deed, and proof of first-degree relations to the registered property owner.
* Entry permit for the seam line (for relatives, medical teams, construction workers, etc. Those with permits must enter and leave via the same crossing even if it is far away or closing early).
* Permits to pass from Gaza, through Israel to the West Bank.
* A birth certificate for children under 16.
* A long-standing resident identity card for those who live in seam-line enclaves.
Checkpoints and barriers
* There were 75 manned checkpoints in the West Bank as of January 9, 2007.
* There are on average 150 mobile checkpoints a week (as of September 2006).
* There are 446 obstacles placed between roads and villages, including concrete cubes, earth ramparts, 88 iron gates and 74 kilometers of fences along main roads.
* There are 83 iron gates along the separation fence, dividing lands from their owners. Only 25 of the gates open occasionally.
Amira Hass writes for Ha`aretz.
She is the author of Drinking the Sea at Gaza.
Counterpunch
22.1.07
All the promises to relax restrictions in the West Bank have obscured the true picture. A few roadblocks have been removed, but the following prohibitions have remained in place.
(This information was gathered by Haaretz, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and Machsom Watch)
Standing prohibitions
* Palestinians from the Gaza Strip are forbidden to stay in the West Bank.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter East Jerusalem.
* West Bank Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip through the Erez crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the Jordan Valley.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter villages, lands, towns and neighborhoods along the `seam line` between the separation fence and the Green Line (some 10 percent of the West Bank).
* Palestinians who are not residents of the villages Beit Furik and Beit Dajan in the Nablus area, and Ramadin, south of Hebron, are forbidden entry.
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter the settlements` area (even if their lands are inside the settlements` built area).
* Palestinians are forbidden to enter Nablus in a vehicle.
* Palestinian residents of Jerusalem are forbidden to enter area A (Palestinian towns in the West Bank).
* Gaza Strip residents are forbidden to enter the West Bank via the Allenby crossing.
* Palestinians are forbidden to travel abroad via Ben-Gurion Airport.
* Children under age 16 are forbidden to leave Nablus without an original birth certificate and parental escort.
* Palestinians with permits to enter Israel are forbidden to enter through the crossings used by Israelis and tourists.
* Gaza residents are forbidden to establish residency in the West Bank.
* West Bank residents are forbidden to establish residency in the Jordan valley, seam line communities or the villages of Beit Furik and Beit Dajan.
* Palestinians are forbidden to transfer merchandise and cargo through internal West Bank checkpoints.
Periodic prohibitions
* Residents of certain parts of the West Bank are forbidden to travel to the rest of the West Bank.
* People of a certain age group - mainly men from the age of 16 to 30, 35 or 40 - are forbidden to leave the areas where they reside (usually Nablus and other cities in the northern West Bank).
* Private cars may not pass the Swahara-Abu Dis checkpoint (which separates the northern and southern West Bank). This was cancelled for the first time two weeks ago under the easing of restrictions.
Travel permits required
* A magnetic card (intended for entrance to Israel, but eases the passage through checkpoints within the West Bank).
* A work permit for Israel (the employer must come to the civil administration offices and apply for one).
* A permit for medical treatment in Israel and Palestinian hospitals in East Jerusalem (The applicant must produce an invitation from the hospital, his complete medical background and proof that the treatment he is seeking cannot be provided in the occupied territories).
* A travel permit to pass through Jordan valley checkpoints.
* A merchant`s permit to transfer goods.
* A permit to farm along the seam line requires a form from the land registry office, a title deed, and proof of first-degree relations to the registered property owner.
* Entry permit for the seam line (for relatives, medical teams, construction workers, etc. Those with permits must enter and leave via the same crossing even if it is far away or closing early).
* Permits to pass from Gaza, through Israel to the West Bank.
* A birth certificate for children under 16.
* A long-standing resident identity card for those who live in seam-line enclaves.
Checkpoints and barriers
* There were 75 manned checkpoints in the West Bank as of January 9, 2007.
* There are on average 150 mobile checkpoints a week (as of September 2006).
* There are 446 obstacles placed between roads and villages, including concrete cubes, earth ramparts, 88 iron gates and 74 kilometers of fences along main roads.
* There are 83 iron gates along the separation fence, dividing lands from their owners. Only 25 of the gates open occasionally.
Amira Hass writes for Ha`aretz.
She is the author of Drinking the Sea at Gaza.
Sunday, January 28, 2007
Invitation to Forum of the Peace Initiative with Syria
From: Alla Shainskaya [mailto:alla.shainskaya@gmail.com]
Sent: Saturday, January 27, 2007 4:45 PM
To: alla shainskaya
Subject: Forum of the Peace Iniative with Syria.
Please, confirm your participation, if possible.
Forum of the Peace Iniative with Syria
A new forum for promoting a peace initiave with Syria has been established. This forum came into being following earlier meetings between Israelis and mediators from UK and USA.
Intellectuals, academics and businessmen are members in the forum, amongst whom:
Sami Michael, Amnon Lipkin Shahak, Yakov Peri, Dr. Alon Liel, Pr. Yoram Peri, David Sasson, Dr.Moshe Amirav, Dr. Alla Shainskaya, Drora Ben Dov, Bruno Landsberg,Yossi Zadik, Niso Bezalel, Iris Elhanani, Linda Menuhin, Rachel Yonah Michael, Fredy Zaq, Nadia Cohen, Sofie Ben Dor, Prof. Yigal Shwarz, Prof. Menahem Klein, Etty Livni, Dr. Dina Ziserman, Prof. Shimon Ulman, David Kimhi and Prof. Galia Golan.
The forum will convene on Sunday the 28th of January at 18:30
the Hebrew-Arabic Theater in Jaffa.
10 Mifratz Shlomo St .
Key speakers at the event:
Sami Michael, Dr. Alon Liel, Yakov Peri , Sofie Ben Dor, Dr. Alla Shainskaya and William Morris CEO - the Next Century Foundation -England
Members of the forum have worked out a declaration calling upon the public to join in order to promote the peace talks with Syria.
Below is the wording of the declaration:
Forum of the peace iniative with Syria
We, the undersigned, represent a wide spectrum of opinions and political attitudes. We believe that the time has come to respond seriously to the signs that are coming from Syria. Since the day the State of Israel was founded, we have regarded Syria as the most stubborn and determined enemy endangering our existence. And now, after bitter wars and conflicts between us, there are hints coming from Syria that show a desire to open a new page, a page of reconciliation for political settlement.
Prior to signing the peace treaty with Egypt, many firm opponents stood up to claim the development as impossible. But peace with the largest Arab state has lasted, despite the great tribulations that befell the region. We believe that ignoring the conciliatory initiative with Syria would be an irresponsible gamble with the future of the State of Israel. Out of concern for our existence, and out of concern for the next generation and the generations after that, we must re-examine our attitude of regarding the border with Syria as one of eternal enmity and war. We gave up Sinai and in return we gained peace with Egypt. We call upon the government of Israel, upon those amongst us who are responsible for designing policy, to listen to the voices that are making themselves heard from Damascus. Peace with Syria means peace with the region in which we live. The price of peace is much cheaper than the bitter and destructive price of war.
We call upon the public to join its voice to ours. We must all take the patriotic step of trying to dismantle the obstacles of hatred, enmity and war that have been sown between us and Syria.
Sent: Saturday, January 27, 2007 4:45 PM
To: alla shainskaya
Subject: Forum of the Peace Iniative with Syria.
Please, confirm your participation, if possible.
Forum of the Peace Iniative with Syria
A new forum for promoting a peace initiave with Syria has been established. This forum came into being following earlier meetings between Israelis and mediators from UK and USA.
Intellectuals, academics and businessmen are members in the forum, amongst whom:
Sami Michael, Amnon Lipkin Shahak, Yakov Peri, Dr. Alon Liel, Pr. Yoram Peri, David Sasson, Dr.Moshe Amirav, Dr. Alla Shainskaya, Drora Ben Dov, Bruno Landsberg,Yossi Zadik, Niso Bezalel, Iris Elhanani, Linda Menuhin, Rachel Yonah Michael, Fredy Zaq, Nadia Cohen, Sofie Ben Dor, Prof. Yigal Shwarz, Prof. Menahem Klein, Etty Livni, Dr. Dina Ziserman, Prof. Shimon Ulman, David Kimhi and Prof. Galia Golan.
The forum will convene on Sunday the 28th of January at 18:30
the Hebrew-Arabic Theater in Jaffa.
10 Mifratz Shlomo St .
Key speakers at the event:
Sami Michael, Dr. Alon Liel, Yakov Peri , Sofie Ben Dor, Dr. Alla Shainskaya and William Morris CEO - the Next Century Foundation -England
Members of the forum have worked out a declaration calling upon the public to join in order to promote the peace talks with Syria.
Below is the wording of the declaration:
Forum of the peace iniative with Syria
We, the undersigned, represent a wide spectrum of opinions and political attitudes. We believe that the time has come to respond seriously to the signs that are coming from Syria. Since the day the State of Israel was founded, we have regarded Syria as the most stubborn and determined enemy endangering our existence. And now, after bitter wars and conflicts between us, there are hints coming from Syria that show a desire to open a new page, a page of reconciliation for political settlement.
Prior to signing the peace treaty with Egypt, many firm opponents stood up to claim the development as impossible. But peace with the largest Arab state has lasted, despite the great tribulations that befell the region. We believe that ignoring the conciliatory initiative with Syria would be an irresponsible gamble with the future of the State of Israel. Out of concern for our existence, and out of concern for the next generation and the generations after that, we must re-examine our attitude of regarding the border with Syria as one of eternal enmity and war. We gave up Sinai and in return we gained peace with Egypt. We call upon the government of Israel, upon those amongst us who are responsible for designing policy, to listen to the voices that are making themselves heard from Damascus. Peace with Syria means peace with the region in which we live. The price of peace is much cheaper than the bitter and destructive price of war.
We call upon the public to join its voice to ours. We must all take the patriotic step of trying to dismantle the obstacles of hatred, enmity and war that have been sown between us and Syria.
Saturday, January 27, 2007
My rebuttal of Jerusalem Post article [see below, after letter]
JPost.com » Opinion » Letters » Article
Jan. 22, 2007 22:28 Updated Jan. 23, 2007 1:29
For a viable Palestine
Sir, - "Israeli NGO vows Amazon boycott over Carter review" (January 19) revealed a huge gap between fact and fiction. ICAHD, far from being a one-man NGO, had nothing to do with the petition. As a private citizen, I certainly signed it, as did 12,000 within three days. Nor, by the way, does Prof. Halper support a one-state solution. We warn, with [Jimmy] Carter, that a two-state solution is dead due to wanton settlement expansion, for a viable Palestine cannot be attained. This leaves the Palestinians and Israel to work seriously for a serious alternative to bring peace and security to all.
Regional confederation, perhaps? Jerusalem as a neutral Vatican, perhaps? We do not presume to tell Palestinians what sort of state they should advocate for. But Israeli infrastructure reveals Israeli policy. And it undermines peace, and promotes apartheid.
ANGELA GODFREY-GOLDSTEIN
Action Advocacy Officer, ICAHD
[The full submission, unpublished, had ended: "Pity Johnny Paul didn't address the actual message in Carter's book, and instead favoured lies, destructive ambiguity and distraction. We all deserve better than that."]
Israeli NGO vows Amazon boycott over Carter review
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Jonny Paul Jerusalem Post correspondent, THE JERUSALEM POST Jan. 18, 2007
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LONDON - The Israeli Committee against House Demolitions (ICAHD) has opened a campaign to censor on-line retailer Amazon.com following the posting of a critical review of former US president Jimmy Carter's book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.
The group said the article, written by a customer, was "hostile" to Carter's viewpoint and had been placed in the wrong section of the Web page on the book.
In an e-mail, ICAHD said it was "deeply disturbed" by the treatment of Carter's "important new book" and had issued an ultimatum demanding Amazon move the negative review and "restore a semblance of balance" by giving "comparable space and prominence to a more positive evaluation" of the book.
The group is asking people to write to Jeff Bezos, Amazon's CEO, and to boycott the company. The e-mail says: "You insist on running the complete, 20-paragraph, 1,636-word text of a review unabashedly hostile to Carter's viewpoint.
"You have refused to add information shoppers should have in evaluating this review: the fact that the reviewer, Jeffrey Goldberg, is a citizen of Israel as well as the US, and that he volunteered to serve in the Israeli Defense Forces, for which he worked as a guard at a prison for Palestinian detainees.
"And you have refused to balance his negative review by giving comparable space to a favorable assessment of the book, even though positive reviews by qualified experts have appeared in many reputable publications."
The ICAHD said it was "not interested in supporting a corporation that uses its power in the marketplace in such a biased and unconstructive way on such an important issue."
An ultimatum is then delivered: "If you do not, by January 22, remove the Goldberg review, move it to the more appropriate 'See all Editorial Reviews' page, or restore a semblance of balance by giving comparable space and prominence to a more positive evaluation of Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, we... pledge to stop shopping at Amazon... and encourage our friends, family and associates to do likewise."
In a March 2005 brief, NGO Monitor, part of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, described the Committee against House Demolitions as "a well-funded, blatantly political and ideological one-man NGO, which couches its radical anti-Israel agenda and demonization in the rhetoric of human rights."
The brief continues: ICAHD coordinator Jeff "Halper routinely uses terms such as 'apartheid' and 'war crimes' to refer to Israeli policy against Palestinian terror, supports a 'one state solution,' and advocates sanctions and boycotts."
Jan. 22, 2007 22:28 Updated Jan. 23, 2007 1:29
For a viable Palestine
Sir, - "Israeli NGO vows Amazon boycott over Carter review" (January 19) revealed a huge gap between fact and fiction. ICAHD, far from being a one-man NGO, had nothing to do with the petition. As a private citizen, I certainly signed it, as did 12,000 within three days. Nor, by the way, does Prof. Halper support a one-state solution. We warn, with [Jimmy] Carter, that a two-state solution is dead due to wanton settlement expansion, for a viable Palestine cannot be attained. This leaves the Palestinians and Israel to work seriously for a serious alternative to bring peace and security to all.
Regional confederation, perhaps? Jerusalem as a neutral Vatican, perhaps? We do not presume to tell Palestinians what sort of state they should advocate for. But Israeli infrastructure reveals Israeli policy. And it undermines peace, and promotes apartheid.
ANGELA GODFREY-GOLDSTEIN
Action Advocacy Officer, ICAHD
[The full submission, unpublished, had ended: "Pity Johnny Paul didn't address the actual message in Carter's book, and instead favoured lies, destructive ambiguity and distraction. We all deserve better than that."]
Israeli NGO vows Amazon boycott over Carter review
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Jonny Paul Jerusalem Post correspondent, THE JERUSALEM POST Jan. 18, 2007
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
LONDON - The Israeli Committee against House Demolitions (ICAHD) has opened a campaign to censor on-line retailer Amazon.com following the posting of a critical review of former US president Jimmy Carter's book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.
The group said the article, written by a customer, was "hostile" to Carter's viewpoint and had been placed in the wrong section of the Web page on the book.
In an e-mail, ICAHD said it was "deeply disturbed" by the treatment of Carter's "important new book" and had issued an ultimatum demanding Amazon move the negative review and "restore a semblance of balance" by giving "comparable space and prominence to a more positive evaluation" of the book.
The group is asking people to write to Jeff Bezos, Amazon's CEO, and to boycott the company. The e-mail says: "You insist on running the complete, 20-paragraph, 1,636-word text of a review unabashedly hostile to Carter's viewpoint.
"You have refused to add information shoppers should have in evaluating this review: the fact that the reviewer, Jeffrey Goldberg, is a citizen of Israel as well as the US, and that he volunteered to serve in the Israeli Defense Forces, for which he worked as a guard at a prison for Palestinian detainees.
"And you have refused to balance his negative review by giving comparable space to a favorable assessment of the book, even though positive reviews by qualified experts have appeared in many reputable publications."
The ICAHD said it was "not interested in supporting a corporation that uses its power in the marketplace in such a biased and unconstructive way on such an important issue."
An ultimatum is then delivered: "If you do not, by January 22, remove the Goldberg review, move it to the more appropriate 'See all Editorial Reviews' page, or restore a semblance of balance by giving comparable space and prominence to a more positive evaluation of Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, we... pledge to stop shopping at Amazon... and encourage our friends, family and associates to do likewise."
In a March 2005 brief, NGO Monitor, part of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, described the Committee against House Demolitions as "a well-funded, blatantly political and ideological one-man NGO, which couches its radical anti-Israel agenda and demonization in the rhetoric of human rights."
The brief continues: ICAHD coordinator Jeff "Halper routinely uses terms such as 'apartheid' and 'war crimes' to refer to Israeli policy against Palestinian terror, supports a 'one state solution,' and advocates sanctions and boycotts."
Thursday, January 25, 2007
Amazon.com Customers' Campaign Wins Fairer Treatment for Carter's book
Berkeley, CA – Ten days after shoppers began a campaign to protest Amazon.com's extraordinarily hostile presentation of former President Jimmy Carter's book on Palestine, and a day after a petition with more than 16,000 signatures was delivered to Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos, the company has responded by revamping the page in a way that puts the book in a completely different light.
The petition, posted at www.petitiononline.com/Amazon07, complained that Amazon had abandoned its usual evenhandedness in the presentation of controversial books by posting the full text of a lengthy attack on Carter's Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid in its "Editorial Reviews" section - and repeatedly refusing customer requests that it add a more positive review in the same location for balance. In signing the petition, customers pledged to stop shopping at Amazon and close their accounts there if the retailer did not come up with a more balanced version of the page by Jan. 22. To back up the petition, hundreds if not thousands of customers also wrote directly to Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos < jeff@amazon.com> to express their concerns.
A copy of the petition, some 16,200 signatures, and supporting materials were sent to Bezos and his staff on Friday, Jan. 19. The following morning, the "Editorial Reviews" section of the page listing Carter's book was completely overhauled for first time in almost a month: It now begins with a glowing tribute from Amazon to the former president's achievements and an interview with him about the book, plus a photo of him and graphic links to some of his other books – all new material, and all of it posted ahead of the negative review.
"This is a huge victory," said Henry Norr, the Berkeley, CA-based former journalist who initiated the petition. "The whole tone of the page is different now. Instead of saying, in effect, 'Stay away from this vile book,' what it now conveys is the truth: that this is an important and fair-minded, even if controversial, book by a distinguished American who has unique qualifications to address the issue of Palestine."
Added Paul Larudee, an El Cerrito, CA, piano technician and activist who helped organize the protest campaign, "Of course Amazon deserves credit for responding after initially refusing to make a change. However, the real credit goes to the thousands of petition signers who exercised their power - in this case the nonviolent power to take their business elsewhere. It gives hope that boycotts and other nonviolent efforts can help to end the larger injustices that Carter addresses in his book."
"I'm sorry Amazon continues to display the review by Jeffrey Goldberg, because I think it's horribly unfair and misleading, and I still wish they would add one of the other reviews we suggested," said Norr. "Some people who signed the petition have let me know that they still intend to close their accounts if Amazon doesn't make more changes, and I understand their feelings. But what the petition was really demanding was fair and balanced treatment for the book, and on the whole I think we've come pretty close to that objective."
The change was the second involving Carter's book that Amazon has made in response to the campaign. Last week, its version of the latest New York Times hardcover nonfiction bestseller list initially omitted Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid altogether, even though the book actually ranked fifth on the list - Amazon's version jumped directly from number 4 to number 6! This extraordinary "mistake" persisted for days, until two hours after an earlier version of this press release was delivered to scores of reporters and publications.
The petition, posted at www.petitiononline.com/Amazon07, complained that Amazon had abandoned its usual evenhandedness in the presentation of controversial books by posting the full text of a lengthy attack on Carter's Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid in its "Editorial Reviews" section - and repeatedly refusing customer requests that it add a more positive review in the same location for balance. In signing the petition, customers pledged to stop shopping at Amazon and close their accounts there if the retailer did not come up with a more balanced version of the page by Jan. 22. To back up the petition, hundreds if not thousands of customers also wrote directly to Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos < jeff@amazon.com> to express their concerns.
A copy of the petition, some 16,200 signatures, and supporting materials were sent to Bezos and his staff on Friday, Jan. 19. The following morning, the "Editorial Reviews" section of the page listing Carter's book was completely overhauled for first time in almost a month: It now begins with a glowing tribute from Amazon to the former president's achievements and an interview with him about the book, plus a photo of him and graphic links to some of his other books – all new material, and all of it posted ahead of the negative review.
"This is a huge victory," said Henry Norr, the Berkeley, CA-based former journalist who initiated the petition. "The whole tone of the page is different now. Instead of saying, in effect, 'Stay away from this vile book,' what it now conveys is the truth: that this is an important and fair-minded, even if controversial, book by a distinguished American who has unique qualifications to address the issue of Palestine."
Added Paul Larudee, an El Cerrito, CA, piano technician and activist who helped organize the protest campaign, "Of course Amazon deserves credit for responding after initially refusing to make a change. However, the real credit goes to the thousands of petition signers who exercised their power - in this case the nonviolent power to take their business elsewhere. It gives hope that boycotts and other nonviolent efforts can help to end the larger injustices that Carter addresses in his book."
"I'm sorry Amazon continues to display the review by Jeffrey Goldberg, because I think it's horribly unfair and misleading, and I still wish they would add one of the other reviews we suggested," said Norr. "Some people who signed the petition have let me know that they still intend to close their accounts if Amazon doesn't make more changes, and I understand their feelings. But what the petition was really demanding was fair and balanced treatment for the book, and on the whole I think we've come pretty close to that objective."
The change was the second involving Carter's book that Amazon has made in response to the campaign. Last week, its version of the latest New York Times hardcover nonfiction bestseller list initially omitted Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid altogether, even though the book actually ranked fifth on the list - Amazon's version jumped directly from number 4 to number 6! This extraordinary "mistake" persisted for days, until two hours after an earlier version of this press release was delivered to scores of reporters and publications.
Sunday, January 21, 2007
Israel's 'invisible hand' in Gaza
By Alan Johnston BBC News, Gaza
Although Israel withdrew from Gaza more than a year ago, its control over the lives of Palestinians there is in some ways even tighter than before, a new report by an Israeli human rights organisation says.
In the days after Israeli troops and settlers pulled out of the territory, the then Israeli leader, Ariel Sharon addressed the United Nations.
He declared "the end of Israeli control over and responsibility for the Gaza Strip".
But a study by Gisha challenges that claim. The organisation says it aims to "protect the fundamental rights of Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories by imposing human rights law as a limitation on the behaviour of Israel's military".
"Israel continues to control Gaza through an 'invisible hand'," the organisation says, in a detailed, 100-page report.
Gaza residents know that significant aspects of their lives depend on decisions made by Israel's military Gisha report. "In contrast to the rhetoric used to describe the disengagement plan, Israel has not relinquished control over Gaza but rather removed some elements of control while tightening other significant controls."
Gisha argues that this means that Israel still has extensive legal obligations for the wellbeing of the territory's population that are not being met. It says: "Gaza residents know that significant aspects of their lives - the ability to exit or enter Gaza, the supply of medicine, fuel and other basic goods, the possibility to transport crops to export markets, the ability to use electric lights - depend on decisions made by Israel's military."
The report begins by referring to the continued, overt military pressure on Gaza. Until the ceasefire declared in November, Israeli air raids, artillery fire and armoured incursions led to the deaths of hundreds of Palestinians. This was all part of the army's confrontation with militant groups - like the Islamic Jihad organisation - which are based in Gaza. On an almost daily basis they launch crudely made missiles at towns and villages in neighbouring southern Israel - often describing their attacks as retaliation for Israeli army actions in the occupied West Bank.
Less visible controls
But the new study focuses more on the much less visible forms of continuing Israeli control over Gaza.
Military pressure
Effective control over Rafah crossing with Egypt, and frequent closure of Karni border crossing with Israel
Air and sea blockade
Control of Palestinian population registry
Control over aspects of areas of the Palestinian tax system
There is an air blockade. Israel has not allowed Gaza's international airport to re-open.
The Israeli navy continues to patrol the coastline in what it says in an effort to prevent arms smuggling. Palestinian fishing boats are sometimes fired on for straying outside Israeli-imposed zones.
The Israelis have also been able to maintain control over all Gaza's land links with the outside world - including the territory's border with Egypt.
There are no Israeli troops on the frontier any longer, but Israel's co-operation is required for the border crossing to function under an agreement struck between Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and the European Union.
That Israeli co-operation has frequently been withdrawn, and the border was closed for nearly half of the first year after Israel pulled out of Gaza.
Israeli control over the flow of goods in and out of the territory remains total. And frequent closures of the main cargo terminal at the Karni crossing point have had a devastating impact on the Gazan economy.
Security threats
The Israelis say the restrictions have been necessary on account of continual security threats. Two years ago there was an attack by militants at Karni that left several Israelis dead.
We would argue that to say legally that Israel has control of what goes
on inside the Gaza Strip when there are no Israeli police, soldiers or
civilians there is very far fetched
Israeli foreign ministry
But Palestinians believe that the border closures are part of a deliberate effort to maintain pressure on Gaza by strangling its economy.
The report also highlights a range of administrative controls. It points out that Israel has retained control of the Palestinian population registry. This enables it to decide who can be a resident of Gaza - and who can come and go. The reports says that tens of thousands of people have been barred from the registry and consequently have no identity papers.
The study sites the case of Mirvat Alnahal, a lawyer of Palestinian origin and who has lived in Gaza since the mid-1990s. "I am trapped here. I cannot leave for fear that I won't be allowed to return," she says. "My husband's ID card says he is married, but the box for spouse's name is blank. My children were born in Gaza to a mother who, officially, does not exist."
Crippled economy
The report stresses the importance of Israel's continuing control over areas of the Palestinian tax system. And in its effort to apply pressure on the Hamas government, Israel has withheld payment of tax revenue it owes the Palestinians worth hundreds of millions of dollars. The report points out that this has had a crippling impact on the services that the government has been able to provide - and the policy has constituted another example of Israel's ability to continue to exert significant control in Gaza.
The study ends by saying that despite the withdrawal of its soldiers, Israel's role in the territory means that it remains bound under international and humanitarian law to allow freedoms of movement and economic activity. With continuing control comes continuing legal responsibility, the report says.
The Israeli government has completely rejected this conclusion.
Responding to the study, a foreign ministry spokesman said: "We would argue that to say legally that Israel has control of what goes on inside the Gaza Strip when there are no Israeli police, soldiers or civilians there is very far fetched. It doesn't hold water under international law."
Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2007/01/17 12:05:29 GMT© BBC MMVII
Although Israel withdrew from Gaza more than a year ago, its control over the lives of Palestinians there is in some ways even tighter than before, a new report by an Israeli human rights organisation says.
In the days after Israeli troops and settlers pulled out of the territory, the then Israeli leader, Ariel Sharon addressed the United Nations.
He declared "the end of Israeli control over and responsibility for the Gaza Strip".
But a study by Gisha challenges that claim. The organisation says it aims to "protect the fundamental rights of Palestinians living in the Occupied Territories by imposing human rights law as a limitation on the behaviour of Israel's military".
"Israel continues to control Gaza through an 'invisible hand'," the organisation says, in a detailed, 100-page report.
Gaza residents know that significant aspects of their lives depend on decisions made by Israel's military Gisha report. "In contrast to the rhetoric used to describe the disengagement plan, Israel has not relinquished control over Gaza but rather removed some elements of control while tightening other significant controls."
Gisha argues that this means that Israel still has extensive legal obligations for the wellbeing of the territory's population that are not being met. It says: "Gaza residents know that significant aspects of their lives - the ability to exit or enter Gaza, the supply of medicine, fuel and other basic goods, the possibility to transport crops to export markets, the ability to use electric lights - depend on decisions made by Israel's military."
The report begins by referring to the continued, overt military pressure on Gaza. Until the ceasefire declared in November, Israeli air raids, artillery fire and armoured incursions led to the deaths of hundreds of Palestinians. This was all part of the army's confrontation with militant groups - like the Islamic Jihad organisation - which are based in Gaza. On an almost daily basis they launch crudely made missiles at towns and villages in neighbouring southern Israel - often describing their attacks as retaliation for Israeli army actions in the occupied West Bank.
Less visible controls
But the new study focuses more on the much less visible forms of continuing Israeli control over Gaza.
Military pressure
Effective control over Rafah crossing with Egypt, and frequent closure of Karni border crossing with Israel
Air and sea blockade
Control of Palestinian population registry
Control over aspects of areas of the Palestinian tax system
There is an air blockade. Israel has not allowed Gaza's international airport to re-open.
The Israeli navy continues to patrol the coastline in what it says in an effort to prevent arms smuggling. Palestinian fishing boats are sometimes fired on for straying outside Israeli-imposed zones.
The Israelis have also been able to maintain control over all Gaza's land links with the outside world - including the territory's border with Egypt.
There are no Israeli troops on the frontier any longer, but Israel's co-operation is required for the border crossing to function under an agreement struck between Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and the European Union.
That Israeli co-operation has frequently been withdrawn, and the border was closed for nearly half of the first year after Israel pulled out of Gaza.
Israeli control over the flow of goods in and out of the territory remains total. And frequent closures of the main cargo terminal at the Karni crossing point have had a devastating impact on the Gazan economy.
Security threats
The Israelis say the restrictions have been necessary on account of continual security threats. Two years ago there was an attack by militants at Karni that left several Israelis dead.
We would argue that to say legally that Israel has control of what goes
on inside the Gaza Strip when there are no Israeli police, soldiers or
civilians there is very far fetched
Israeli foreign ministry
But Palestinians believe that the border closures are part of a deliberate effort to maintain pressure on Gaza by strangling its economy.
The report also highlights a range of administrative controls. It points out that Israel has retained control of the Palestinian population registry. This enables it to decide who can be a resident of Gaza - and who can come and go. The reports says that tens of thousands of people have been barred from the registry and consequently have no identity papers.
The study sites the case of Mirvat Alnahal, a lawyer of Palestinian origin and who has lived in Gaza since the mid-1990s. "I am trapped here. I cannot leave for fear that I won't be allowed to return," she says. "My husband's ID card says he is married, but the box for spouse's name is blank. My children were born in Gaza to a mother who, officially, does not exist."
Crippled economy
The report stresses the importance of Israel's continuing control over areas of the Palestinian tax system. And in its effort to apply pressure on the Hamas government, Israel has withheld payment of tax revenue it owes the Palestinians worth hundreds of millions of dollars. The report points out that this has had a crippling impact on the services that the government has been able to provide - and the policy has constituted another example of Israel's ability to continue to exert significant control in Gaza.
The study ends by saying that despite the withdrawal of its soldiers, Israel's role in the territory means that it remains bound under international and humanitarian law to allow freedoms of movement and economic activity. With continuing control comes continuing legal responsibility, the report says.
The Israeli government has completely rejected this conclusion.
Responding to the study, a foreign ministry spokesman said: "We would argue that to say legally that Israel has control of what goes on inside the Gaza Strip when there are no Israeli police, soldiers or civilians there is very far fetched. It doesn't hold water under international law."
Story from BBC NEWS:
Published: 2007/01/17 12:05:29 GMT© BBC MMVII
Saturday, January 20, 2007
This is what democracy looks like
Eoin Murray writing from Gaza City, occupied Palestine, Live from Palestine, Electronic Intifada, 18 January 2007
We left Dublin airport last Friday evening. This time it was harder to leave. Perhaps because each time I travel to the Occupied Palestinian Territory the situation has deteriorated in some unexpected way and I become more depressed about the lives of friends and colleagues.
Perhaps it was just because there was a taste of something lingering that I didn't want to leave behind. Anyway, some suprise, then, when I arrived in Gaza. It took us (myself and Aine Bhreathnach, Middle East Emergency Programme Officer) two days to reach Gaza.
On Saturday the Israeli military hadn't 'processed' our applications, so we weren't allowed in. Luckily for us they spent 11 hours processing it on Sunday. Unfortunately for us, we had to spend seven of those hours physically sitting at the Erez checkpoint in to Gaza.
We reached Gaza tired and already depressed -- the long walk through the cages at Erez is a deeply humiliating experience. Humiliating not because we have to go through it but because we see people on wheelchairs being pushed through, we see children cowering through, we see women and men covered in bandages hobbling through. The humiliation is because I can't bear to see one set of people being treated like this by another.
Anyway, all that was a long way of saying that we reached Gaza, tired and depressed. We were immediately kidnapped, in the best sense, by staff from Trocaire's partner the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights.
And here comes the surprise. It's a good one.
For the past few months the biggest issue for people in Gaza has become the security situation caused by the the clashes between Hamas and some 'leading lights' in the decrepit Fateh party. People felt unsafe to leave their home. One friend lives near a hot spot -- her house has bullet holes through it. Her children are so afraid that even when no fighting is happening they are crawling from room to room. In the centre of Gaza City, in the square of the Unknown Soldier a movement has sprung up. Partially out of desperation, partially out of a desire to end the violent internal clashes and provide some protection for Palestinian civilians.
Ten people, six women and four men have decided to go on hunger strike. They are artists, doctors, human rights lawyers, poets and independent political activists. For the past eight days they have refused food and vowed to continue doing so until such time as a national unity government is formed and the internal clashes come to an end.
Civil society, the business community and people from all walks of life have gathered around to support them. They have been given tents, blankets, chairs, heaters (for Gaza at night is bitterly cold). Petitions are being circulated, the 'Oud is being played, national poems are being sung and recited through the night. Thousands of ordinary people have passed through in support.
Their slogan is simple: 'NO - to internal fighting.' We spend some time talking to Doctor Miriam who began organising the strike. She tells us, "This is the first step for fighting the occupation. We must be united as a people in order to achieve our rights and our dreams. Internal fighting can not bring us there. We have not hung any flags other then Palestinian flags here. We do not welcome guns into this area. We want real national unity to struggle for the human rights ofthe Palestinian people."
We move from the tent she shares with three other hunger strikers into the main tent. Over a hundred chairs are gathered around in a circle. A man is sitting, surrounded by his children, he is an ordinary man. He holds a microphone in his hands and talks about his desire that the clashes will end so his kids will be safer going to school. Over the course of hours the microphone passes through many hands -- anyone can speak and express their feelings, for as long as they need to. It is a truly open affair.
The microphone passes to one Palestinian woman. She is resplendent in her handwoven black, red and yellow dress. An elderly lady, with a lived-in face. Her name is Um Jaber Wishah. She begins to tell her own story. The story explains the lines on her face, and at times her eyes well with tears as she describes her journey in 1948 when she and her family were expelled from their village inside what is now the state of Israel. She talks about the pain of mothers who see their sons taken to prison, or killed. She reminds us that "the prisoners are calling for calm on the streets of Gaza and we must honour their desires. We must behave as Palestinians, with dignity and respect towards each other. Not to divide ourselves into Hamas or Fateh."
Her words are powerful and they move the crowd to applause and cheers. The evening in the tent reminds me of the words of Martin Luther King who, the night before he died, said, "You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together,that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity."
The work of these hunger strikers and their friends and fellow strugglers in human rights organisations such as those supported by Trocaire is for unity. They are doing it by creating real people power, by encouraging people to take back the streets and take back the responsibility for democracy and accountability themselves. This, indeed, is what democracy looks like.
I can only hope that they succeed.
Eoin Murray is a Programme Officer for Trocaire.
We left Dublin airport last Friday evening. This time it was harder to leave. Perhaps because each time I travel to the Occupied Palestinian Territory the situation has deteriorated in some unexpected way and I become more depressed about the lives of friends and colleagues.
Perhaps it was just because there was a taste of something lingering that I didn't want to leave behind. Anyway, some suprise, then, when I arrived in Gaza. It took us (myself and Aine Bhreathnach, Middle East Emergency Programme Officer) two days to reach Gaza.
On Saturday the Israeli military hadn't 'processed' our applications, so we weren't allowed in. Luckily for us they spent 11 hours processing it on Sunday. Unfortunately for us, we had to spend seven of those hours physically sitting at the Erez checkpoint in to Gaza.
We reached Gaza tired and already depressed -- the long walk through the cages at Erez is a deeply humiliating experience. Humiliating not because we have to go through it but because we see people on wheelchairs being pushed through, we see children cowering through, we see women and men covered in bandages hobbling through. The humiliation is because I can't bear to see one set of people being treated like this by another.
Anyway, all that was a long way of saying that we reached Gaza, tired and depressed. We were immediately kidnapped, in the best sense, by staff from Trocaire's partner the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights.
And here comes the surprise. It's a good one.
For the past few months the biggest issue for people in Gaza has become the security situation caused by the the clashes between Hamas and some 'leading lights' in the decrepit Fateh party. People felt unsafe to leave their home. One friend lives near a hot spot -- her house has bullet holes through it. Her children are so afraid that even when no fighting is happening they are crawling from room to room. In the centre of Gaza City, in the square of the Unknown Soldier a movement has sprung up. Partially out of desperation, partially out of a desire to end the violent internal clashes and provide some protection for Palestinian civilians.
Ten people, six women and four men have decided to go on hunger strike. They are artists, doctors, human rights lawyers, poets and independent political activists. For the past eight days they have refused food and vowed to continue doing so until such time as a national unity government is formed and the internal clashes come to an end.
Civil society, the business community and people from all walks of life have gathered around to support them. They have been given tents, blankets, chairs, heaters (for Gaza at night is bitterly cold). Petitions are being circulated, the 'Oud is being played, national poems are being sung and recited through the night. Thousands of ordinary people have passed through in support.
Their slogan is simple: 'NO - to internal fighting.' We spend some time talking to Doctor Miriam who began organising the strike. She tells us, "This is the first step for fighting the occupation. We must be united as a people in order to achieve our rights and our dreams. Internal fighting can not bring us there. We have not hung any flags other then Palestinian flags here. We do not welcome guns into this area. We want real national unity to struggle for the human rights ofthe Palestinian people."
We move from the tent she shares with three other hunger strikers into the main tent. Over a hundred chairs are gathered around in a circle. A man is sitting, surrounded by his children, he is an ordinary man. He holds a microphone in his hands and talks about his desire that the clashes will end so his kids will be safer going to school. Over the course of hours the microphone passes through many hands -- anyone can speak and express their feelings, for as long as they need to. It is a truly open affair.
The microphone passes to one Palestinian woman. She is resplendent in her handwoven black, red and yellow dress. An elderly lady, with a lived-in face. Her name is Um Jaber Wishah. She begins to tell her own story. The story explains the lines on her face, and at times her eyes well with tears as she describes her journey in 1948 when she and her family were expelled from their village inside what is now the state of Israel. She talks about the pain of mothers who see their sons taken to prison, or killed. She reminds us that "the prisoners are calling for calm on the streets of Gaza and we must honour their desires. We must behave as Palestinians, with dignity and respect towards each other. Not to divide ourselves into Hamas or Fateh."
Her words are powerful and they move the crowd to applause and cheers. The evening in the tent reminds me of the words of Martin Luther King who, the night before he died, said, "You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together,that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity."
The work of these hunger strikers and their friends and fellow strugglers in human rights organisations such as those supported by Trocaire is for unity. They are doing it by creating real people power, by encouraging people to take back the streets and take back the responsibility for democracy and accountability themselves. This, indeed, is what democracy looks like.
I can only hope that they succeed.
Eoin Murray is a Programme Officer for Trocaire.
Monday, January 15, 2007
Worse than Apartheid. B. Michael writing in Israel's leading newspaper
A FLAG BLACKER THAN BLACK
Column, B. Michael, Yediot Political Supplement, January 12
Next Friday, January 19, 2007, if the High Court of Justice does not redeem us of this shame in time, the most disgraceful ordinance ever to be imposed by the military dictatorship in the territories on the subjects of its occupation and on all Israeli citizens will go into effect: on that day, ordered Major General Yair Naveh, Israelis will be forbidden to drive Palestinians in their cars throughout the West Bank. Anyone who wishes to drive a Palestinian will have to ask for a note of permission from the occupation officials.
The weak, beaten up, false excuse is, as usual, security.
Nonsense. This abomination has nothing to do with security. This new edict by the evil empire in the West Bank and Gaza is nothing but further proof that there is no limit to the depth of depravity to which the occupation bureaucracy can sink, with no one to stop it. And this racist ordinance is merely one more particularly repulsive cog in the machine that is systematically and effectively stripping the Palestinians of their very humanity, isolating them, separating them, trampling on them and crushing to dust the remnants of their rights.
The details of the Naveh ordinance should be made clear: it is not about prohibiting Palestinians from being driven into Israel. The entrance of Palestinians into Israel has been, after all, prohibited for a long time, in any shape and form. Nor does it seek to prevent attempts to “sneak” Palestinians into some settlement or other, God forbid. After all, they are not allowed to go into those either. General Naveh simply wishes to forbid any joint travel. Even to a social affair in the West Bank. Or to help a friend transport a load to his home. Or just to go on an outing. Or to travel 200 meters to a coffee shop to sit down and talk together. And needless to say that traveling together to a demonstration against the occupation, or any other threatening event of conciliation and friendship, will from now on be forbidden.
There are, of course, exceptions: the feudal landowners from the settlements can continue driving their native slaves to their places of work. After all, it would be inconceivable to interfere with the comfortable daily routine of the master nation. Certainly not by a general, who in any, case allows that human riffraff to do whatever it likes (see the appearance of that loathsome creature from “the Jewish settlement of Hebron” who starred on the television screens this week).
The state of Israel has many laws, ordinances and military administration orders that smell of rot. But such a blatant trampling upon basic democratic norms, all the rules of warfare and all the values of human dignity and freedom has never been seen here yet.
Truth be told, even the word “apartheid” is too small to contain this abomination. There is no choice but to seek historic precedents in other places. Places where Jews themselves suffered from such wicked laws. Not the blacks of South Africa, or the Indians of America, or the Arabs of Algeria, or the Untouchables of India. We may learn from our own experience too. We are allowed to be alarmed, and to learn a lesson from our own history and past as well.
After all, the laws that burned our own flesh were often justified by the excuse of “security of the people,” and defense against the Jewish enemy, who was scheming to undermine the state and filthy its demographic security with his seed.
My forefathers too were forbidden to travel with members of the ruling nation in the same car. My forefathers too were forbidden from using means of transportation except to get to their places of work for the rulers. My forefathers too were forbidden from moving, working, studying, receiving medical treatment, vacationing and worshiping their God, unless the ruling Master deigned to give them a note.
And now I am holding in my hand the general’s edict, staring at it with gaping eyes and a convulsed stomach and reading:
Palestinians are forbidden from traveling in cars with Israelis.
Palestinians are allowed to travel in Israeli cars only to get to their work.
Oh the shame. Oh the disgrace. Oh the short memory. Woe to Judaism that so tramples itself to the dust.
A flag blacker than black waves over this order. And every civilized and a law-abiding person must beware from obeying it. Because it is not only manifestly illegal, it is also malignant.
Column, B. Michael, Yediot Political Supplement, January 12
Next Friday, January 19, 2007, if the High Court of Justice does not redeem us of this shame in time, the most disgraceful ordinance ever to be imposed by the military dictatorship in the territories on the subjects of its occupation and on all Israeli citizens will go into effect: on that day, ordered Major General Yair Naveh, Israelis will be forbidden to drive Palestinians in their cars throughout the West Bank. Anyone who wishes to drive a Palestinian will have to ask for a note of permission from the occupation officials.
The weak, beaten up, false excuse is, as usual, security.
Nonsense. This abomination has nothing to do with security. This new edict by the evil empire in the West Bank and Gaza is nothing but further proof that there is no limit to the depth of depravity to which the occupation bureaucracy can sink, with no one to stop it. And this racist ordinance is merely one more particularly repulsive cog in the machine that is systematically and effectively stripping the Palestinians of their very humanity, isolating them, separating them, trampling on them and crushing to dust the remnants of their rights.
The details of the Naveh ordinance should be made clear: it is not about prohibiting Palestinians from being driven into Israel. The entrance of Palestinians into Israel has been, after all, prohibited for a long time, in any shape and form. Nor does it seek to prevent attempts to “sneak” Palestinians into some settlement or other, God forbid. After all, they are not allowed to go into those either. General Naveh simply wishes to forbid any joint travel. Even to a social affair in the West Bank. Or to help a friend transport a load to his home. Or just to go on an outing. Or to travel 200 meters to a coffee shop to sit down and talk together. And needless to say that traveling together to a demonstration against the occupation, or any other threatening event of conciliation and friendship, will from now on be forbidden.
There are, of course, exceptions: the feudal landowners from the settlements can continue driving their native slaves to their places of work. After all, it would be inconceivable to interfere with the comfortable daily routine of the master nation. Certainly not by a general, who in any, case allows that human riffraff to do whatever it likes (see the appearance of that loathsome creature from “the Jewish settlement of Hebron” who starred on the television screens this week).
The state of Israel has many laws, ordinances and military administration orders that smell of rot. But such a blatant trampling upon basic democratic norms, all the rules of warfare and all the values of human dignity and freedom has never been seen here yet.
Truth be told, even the word “apartheid” is too small to contain this abomination. There is no choice but to seek historic precedents in other places. Places where Jews themselves suffered from such wicked laws. Not the blacks of South Africa, or the Indians of America, or the Arabs of Algeria, or the Untouchables of India. We may learn from our own experience too. We are allowed to be alarmed, and to learn a lesson from our own history and past as well.
After all, the laws that burned our own flesh were often justified by the excuse of “security of the people,” and defense against the Jewish enemy, who was scheming to undermine the state and filthy its demographic security with his seed.
My forefathers too were forbidden to travel with members of the ruling nation in the same car. My forefathers too were forbidden from using means of transportation except to get to their places of work for the rulers. My forefathers too were forbidden from moving, working, studying, receiving medical treatment, vacationing and worshiping their God, unless the ruling Master deigned to give them a note.
And now I am holding in my hand the general’s edict, staring at it with gaping eyes and a convulsed stomach and reading:
Palestinians are forbidden from traveling in cars with Israelis.
Palestinians are allowed to travel in Israeli cars only to get to their work.
Oh the shame. Oh the disgrace. Oh the short memory. Woe to Judaism that so tramples itself to the dust.
A flag blacker than black waves over this order. And every civilized and a law-abiding person must beware from obeying it. Because it is not only manifestly illegal, it is also malignant.
Sunday, January 14, 2007
ICAHD ANNUAL REPORT FOR EAST JERUSALEM HOME DEMOLITIONS, 2006
In 2006 there was a marked decrease in East Jerusalem home demolition statistics. During that year 81[1] structures were demolished, of which 18 were pirate gas stations; in other words, 63 residential buildings were destroyed. There was also a decrease in the amount of square metres demolished during the year – 6,000 sq.m.
In 2004, 152 homes were demolished, covering 9,000 sq.m
In 2004, 152 homes were demolished, covering 9,000 sq.m
In 2005, 94 homes were demolished, covering 12,000 sq.m
In 2006, 81 homes were demolished, covering 6,000 sq.m
The reason for the reduction in the statistics is due to various reasons. According to the Municipality’s explanation, it was due to the measures of enforcement used by the Municipality, which (in their words) proves that their policies are “bearing fruit.”
ICAHD believes that the reason for the reduction is because three high ranking officials in the Municipality who had been involved in the demolition industry were, in fact, neutralized. One was the Superintendent of the Inspection Department, Micha Ben-Nun, who resigned from his position, in the wake of rumours of a pending investigation. The second was the City Engineer, Uri Shitreet, who concluded his period of service (under normal conditions), and the third was the Municipal Legal Adviser, Yossi Havilio, who was involved in a war of survival against the Mayor, who wanted to dismiss him. Therefore, the entire apparatus of inspection was paralysed for a considerable time.
This year, too, the Municipality confiscated building machinery, especially cement mixers, causing the price of building cement to rise very considerably. It also caused problems for people who wished to build without building permits.
Another phenomenon which stood out during the past year was the high level set for financial guarantees paid to the Court on the spot by people seeking freeze or prevention of demolition orders, when the bulldozers were already standing by to demolish. Today, the average price of a financial guarantee at Court is between 30,000 to 50,000 shekels, which is the cost assessed by the Municipality for the bulldozers to demolish a home. In this prohibitively expensive situation, people are prevented from undertaking this path to save their homes.
Attached to this report is ICAHD’s review of the 2006 Annual Report of the Municipal Comptroller, which confirms what ICAHD has frequently stated as to the discrimination of the Municipality as to East Jerusalem Palestinian residents.
Finally, we would like to express our concern and worry as to the probability of impending demolitions in 2007. We base this concern on the statements of senior officials at the Municipality and from the advertisement, published in the press, of the Municipality (already distributed, but also attached herewith). For example, we are extremely troubled by the proposed Eastern Ring Road route through Wadi Kadoum, Silwan, which is due to cause the demolition of tens of homes.
ICAHD Review of Annual Report of the Municipal Comptroller, 2006
Reporting on the functioning of the Building Inspection Department of the Municipality, the Comptroller discovered what we have known for a long time – that the Municipality discriminates against the east of the city, and that its activities are functioning without regulation. In official, customarily understated language, as such reports are always written, Adv. Shlomit Rubin nevertheless writes clearly and uncompromisingly that the use of demolition orders “are not always equal” and to leave no doubt, she adds “the number of orders signed and implemented in East Jerusalem are far more than in the west of the city and the number of orders which remain unsigned, and which it is therefore unfeasible to implement, is far greater in the east than the west of the city.” The statistics which the Comptroller found for the years 2004 and 2005 prove that of 85 signed demolition orders delivered in the west of the city, 39 were implemented (45%), whereas in the east, out of 233 signed demolition orders, 191 were implemented (82%).
The Comptroller states that the Municipality works without clear regulations and there are no definitive written guidelines, although she found that there is verbal agreement as to the guidelines but she says that demolition of structures is an irreversible and violent action and therefore the guidelines must be written and transparent.
The Comptroller also found that many files which were passed to the Mayor’s Office for signature disappeared from there and there is a basis for worry that this constitutes criminal activity of subverting legal process. The most extraordinary thing is the response of the Mayor to the question as to why files had been held up in their processing by his office. The Mayor’s bureau chief sent a letter in which she said that the Mayor exploits his authority to check the demolition orders because, to her regret, the Mayor had discovered on various occasions that demolition orders had not been in order as he would have expected. On one occasion which the Comptroller checked, the Mayor said that he had refused to sign a demolition order because the information which he had been given by the Building Inspector was not in accordance with the planning specifications.
* * * * * * * * *
For further details, contact Meir Margalit, ICAHD Field Co-ordinator at 0544-345 503 or meir@icahd.org
[1] We stand corrected as to our letter of December 15, 2006 which referred to “some 130 homes” demolished in 2006. We would also clarify that the total Municipal annual budget for demolition is NIS4 million, whereas our letter gave the impression that there was NIS4 million outstanding near year end.
Tuesday, January 09, 2007
Refusenik Pilot Yonatan Shapira interviewed by Trocaire
Yonatan Shapira was one of twenty-seven Israeli pilots who refused to take part in aerial attacks on populated Palestinian areas. The pilots spoke out against the actions of the military, and condemned the occupation and targeted executions. Their refusal to fly, in a signed letter in September 2002, shook Israeli society. Thrown out of the military, Yonatan continues to advocate against the repression of the occupation.
Everything I do, everything I say, is founded on my love for Israel, my people, and my ties to Jewish tradition. I was raised in a patriotic family. My father fought in all Israel’s wars up to the Yom Kippur War of October 1973. My two brothers belong to commando units. I piloted Black Hawk helicopters. My speciality was rescuing victims. I carried out very dangerous missions in Lebanon. Then, during the Second Intifada, I dropped officers and commandos on the ground, so even though I myself was never involved in an attack mission, I was a cog in the machine.
I was moulded by the ideals of purity in the use of arms, and the certainty that our leaders are driven by moral values and the desire for peace. But my passion for flying and my attachment to the Israeli airforce “family” stopped me seeing the real world. For years, I flew over the occupied territories. I saw this land of apartheid with its splashes of grey and splashes of red. The grey splashes were the refugee camps - overcrowded, suffocating, closely monitored from military bases. The red splashes, in between the camps, were the roofs of splendid settlements.
Even though the injustice was staring me in the face, it took me a long time to realise the simple fact that, for decades, we have been an occupying force controlling millions of people. We, the “Master Race”. And I really do mean apartheid. When some people have all the rights over a piece of land, while others have none, what else can you call it?
A German friend of mine served as a volunteer in some of the hospitals in Gaza. She told me about what she saw, the results of our attacks and our bombardments. I didn’t want to hear. I wanted to go on believing that we were “the most highly moral army in the world”.
One day, when I was in the United States, someone spoke to me about missiles being fired on children. I felt then that I could no longer simply go on being an ambassador for my country without trying to find out a bit more. It has then been a whole series of events which has opened my heart up to realities that I just didn’t want to see.
Is Israel crossing the red line?
The trigger was the dropping of a one tonne bomb on the building containing the home of Saleh Shehadeh, one of the leaders of Hamas, on 22 July 2002, in one of the most heavily populated districts in Gaza (or the world!). It killed fourteen people, nine of them children, and injured 150 others. Four families were totally wiped out. A few days later, following criticism of the incident, Dan Halutz, head of the Air Force, stated that the pilot could sleep with a clear conscience and that he had carried out his mission perfectly. I don’t have words strong enough to express how much terrorism disgusts me and Shehadeh was responsible for a number of terrorist attacks. We have to fight terrorism, but without becoming more and more like terrorists ourselves. The statistics show that, when targeted executions are carried out, 50% of the victims are civilians. Official terminology prefers to talk about “uninvolved persons”. If you plan such a mission while hiding the fact that half of the victims will be civilians, you can’t talk any longer about purity of intention. The fact that buses explode here, does not authorise us to sow terror among a population that lives under a regime of enclosed camps, threatened by an army equipped to the teeth, with fighter planes that make the sky shake and helicopters that sometimes launch missiles in traffic or through the windows of houses.
I’ve transported the victims of terrorist attacks; I’ve landed at sites a few minutes after explosions. I’ve seen my fill of mangled bodies. I’ve brought the injured to hospital. I’ve also witnessed the escalation of the madness that is driving us all towards collective suicide. Us, with our Apaches, the combat helicopters used for targeted executions in particular, and them with their bombs. The signatories of the pilots’ letter realized that the Israeli policy of targeted assassinations is a war crime. Far from contributing to Israel’s security it has had the opposite effect. But it is hard to get a hearing in Israel because our society is so militarised. After the letter, I heard things that would send shivers down your spine. It started with a one-to-one meeting with Dan Halutz for over an hour who tried to get me to change my views. He finished by setting out for me how he ranks the value of blood, with Jewish blood at the top and Palestinian blood at the bottom.
Another pilot who signed the letter wrote to me saying: “Heroism in 2003 does not mean risking our lives in aerial combat but overcoming our repugnance at being professional assassins in the service of the state of Israel.”
In 1993, an army spokesman and the military prosecutor rejected the accusation that there was a unit whose job included individual executions. They stated: “There has never been, nor will there be, any policy or reality that will see the Israeli army intentionally execute people being pursued. […] The sacredness of human life is one of the fundamental values of our army. Nothing has changed or will change in that respect.”
And yet today, this practice of targeted assassinations continues. It is acknowledged and justified, even by the authorities responsible for military ethics. Is this not a sign that we have crossed a red line?
Pressure by all governments
When my country is like a plane heading straight for the ground, I have three options: jump overboard and leave Israel, let it plunge headlong towards the crash that will kill us all, or pull the joystick with all my legal strength to try and save us from crashing. Our mission is not only to refuse, it’s to express our views within Israeli society. Some people ask us: “Why bother about them?” But “we” and “them” no longer mean anything. That’s what has changed inside me as a result of this long process. I’ve reached the point of feeling part of a community of Israelis and Palestinians who share the same values, the same vision of the solution. This process has value as therapy, but it’s an individual thing. It is always possible to wake up but it takes a long time. Maybe if I could take an average Israeli to Nablus for a week so he could see the reality for himself, he might change in the same way. But we are rushing headlong towards catastrophe and some people have given in to total pessimism. For me, it’s as though this is the most important rescue mission of my life. If we don’t act now, what kind of society will our children live in?
We must prevent a situation where only the poor and extremists will be left in Israel. On this mission, we need Europeans with us. We here will continue to fight with what resources we have but massive pressure must be exerted on our government from outside so that it behaves in line with international law, ends the occupation and the apartheid. To put it even more clearly: as a Jew and an Israeli, I’m calling for targeted sanctions against our regime. It’s an idea that’s hard to grasp, but I think we’ll get there by degrees. We must move Israeli society, because I don’t want us to be in the same situation in twenty years time.
http://www.trocaire.org/pdfs/publications/cidse_palestine_booklet.pdf
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